17.979 Besucher im Zeitraum 10. August 2006 bis 29. August 2014
Neuer ZählerPhpbb3 Besucherzähler
Übersicht: Neue Bücher von Wolfgang G. Schwanitz
Schwanitz, Wolfgang G.: „Mittelost Mosaik 2013. Ägyptens Revolte, Syriens Bürgerkrieg, Irans Atompakt sowie Barack H. Obama, Abd al-Fattah as-Sisi und Angela Merkel “, 2015, 280 S., mehr als 100 Abb., ISBN 978-3-86464-009-4, 34,80 EUR, => Bestellanfrage beim Verlag => Bestellung bei AMAZON.de => kompletter Umschlag zur Ansicht
In Syriens Bürgerkrieg, in Ägypten die Rückkehr des Militärs und Iran
als Atommacht – das Mosaik 2013 lässt einen nicht los. Schwanitz
bringt Lesergewinn in seinem Rückblick auf 63 Wochen Mittelost. Den Wert
steigern historische Ausflüge, darunter zu Islamismus und Gewalt. Aus
einzelnen "Wochenschauen" werden Filme. Autor und Verlag fanden ein
neues Miteinander von Online und Print. Entwicklungslinien scheinen auf,
die für die Beurteilung der heutigen Ereignisfolgen unentbehrlich sind.
Mittelost Mosaik 2014
Schwanitz, Wolfgang G.: „Mittelost Mosaik 2014.
Afghanistans Wahlen, Israels Raketenkrieg, Kalifat Irak-Syrien
sowie Barack H. Obama, Papst Franziskus und Angela Merkel. Mit einem
Vorwort von Lionel Gossman“, 2016,
XVI + 300 S., zahlr.
Abb., ISBN 978-3-86464-102-2, 34,80 EUR,
Mittelost Mosaik 2015
„Mittelost Mosaik 2015. Ägyptens Wandel, Israel und Irans Atompakt, Islamstaat Irak-Syrien sowie Barack H. Obama, Benjamin Netanjahu und Angela Merkel. Mit einem Vorwort von Jürgen Hell", 2017, [= Amerika – Mittelost – Europa. Regionalhistorische Komparatistik: Politik, Wirtschaft, Militär und Kultur, Band 5], XVI + 230 S., mehr als 100 Abb., ISBN 978-3-86464-103-9, 34,80 EUR
Erschien am 25.09.2017=> Bestellanfrage beim Verlag
In Syrien gehen die Kämpfe weiter. Chemische Waffen kommen zum Einsatz... Die EU-Außenminister beraten, eine schlüssige Strategie haben sie nicht. Die Hilflosigkeit des Westens setzt sich fort. Das war bereits 2014 so. Es ist schmerzlich, sich den Verlauf des Krieges vor Augen zu führen. Der Berliner Trafo-Verlag hat die wöchentliche Umschau, die Wolfgang G. Schwanitz jeweils auf explizit.net veröffentlicht hat, noch einmal kompakt, auf 295 Seiten dargestellt. Spätestens in der Mitte des Bandes wird man sich fragen: Haben die Demokratien keine Strategien, um Kriegsparteien zur Einstellung der Kämpfe zu bewegen. Bedurfte es tatsächlich des massiven Einsatzes von Kampfflugzeugen und Artillerie, um 2016 einen labilen Waffenstillstand zu "erbomben"? Es lag schon 2014 auf der Hand… Immer wieder weist W.G. Schwanitz auf Unzulänglichkeiten hin. Dem Buch ist eine große, nachdenkliche Leserschaft zu wünschen.
Dr. Eckhard Bieger SJ, Chefredakteur von "explizit.net, dem katholischen Portal für den deutschen Sprachraum", 4. April 2017
in Vorbereitung die MITTELOST MOSAIKE 2016 und 2017
"Mittelost Mosaik 2016. Ägyptens Antiislamismus, Israel, Arabien und Irans Atompakt, Islamstaat samt Kalifat sowie Abd al-Fattah as-Sisi, Donald J. Trump und Angela Merkel. Mit einem Vorwort von Daniel Pipes", 2018, "Amerika – Mittelost – Europa. Regionalhistorische Komparatistik: Politik, Wirtschaft, Militär und Kultur, Band 6", XVI+ ca. 230 S., zahlr. Abb., ISBN 978-3-86464-147-3, 34,80 EUR
„Mittelost Mosaik 2017. Antiislamismus in Amerika, Ägypten und Saudi-Arabien, Irans Atompakt, Krise des Islamstaats samt Kalifat sowie Donald J. Trump, Salman Bin Abd a-Aziz und Angela Merkel. Mit einem Essay über Bernard Lewis“, 2019, "Amerika – Mittelost – Europa. Regionalhistorische Komparatistik: Politik, Wirtschaft, Militär und Kultur, Band 7", XXVI+ 230 S., zahlr. Abb., ISBN 978-3-86464-170-1, ca. 35,00 EUR
"Islam in Europa..." -
Schwanitz, Wolfgang G.:
„Islam in Europa, Revolten in Mittelost. Islamismus und Genozid von Wilhelm
II. und Enver Pascha über Hitler und al-Husaini bis Arafat, Usama Bin Ladin
und Ahmadinejad sowie Gespräche mit Bernard Lewis", 2te Aufl. 2014,
Stimmen zum Buch: (Hier
der Link zu den ausführlichen Besprechungen)
Rolf Steininger, Besprechung zu Rolf Hosfeld et al eds., Das Deutsche Reich und der Völkermord an den Armeniern (Göttingen, Wallstein: 2017) in Militärgeschichtliche Zeitschrift, 77(2018)1, 241–244
Marc Hanisch von der Universität Duisburg/Essen beschäftigt sich wie schon 2014 (siehe Rezension von Rolf Steininger zu: Erster Weltkrieg und Dschihad. Die Deutschen und die Revolutionierung des Orients. Hrsg. von Wilfried Loth, Marc Hanisch, München: Oldenbourg 2014. In: MGZ, 73 , 1, 208–210) noch einmal mit Max von Oppenheim. Für den Nahostkenner Wolfgang G. Schwanitz ist Oppenheim – Orientexperte, Archäologe, Diplomat und Leiter der von ihm im Auswärtigen Amt eingerichteten »Propaganda-Nachrichtenstelle für den Orient« – der »deutsche Vater des Heiligen Krieges«, der den »armenischen Genozid rechtfertigte« (siehe Rezension von Rolf Steininger zu: Wolfgang G. Schwanitz, Islam in Europa, Revolten in Mittelost. Islamismus und Genozid von Wilhelm II. und Enver Pascha über Hitler und al-Husaini bis Arafat, Usama Bin Ladin und Ahmadinejad sowie Gespräche mit Bernard Lewis, Berlin 2013. In: MGZ, 72 , 2, 454–456). Für Hanisch ist er »kein Befürworter eines Genozids«; er wollte aber im Interesse der deutsch-türkischen Beziehungen Konstantinopel gewähren lassen – und machte sich damit »auch mitschuldig« (S. 292 f.).
I: Historical background to the jihad declared by the Ottoman Empire against the Entente powers during World War I. It refutes the view, which originated at the time of the war and has been widely popular ever since, that the declaration of jihad was a German “political product” and was a result of political pressure from the Germans. Putting it into a wide historical-political-social context, Csorba attempts to prove that jihad was part of the traditional means of the Ottoman Empire, which, throughout its long history, decided to declare it from time to time after thorough consideration. II: Csorba describes the process and the reasons of declaring jihad in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and in Hungary… the leaders of the Dual Monarchy were not happy about the declaration of jihad by Constantinople, but the Monarchy, as opposed to Germany, had a considerable Muslim population. They decided to announce the fatwa calling for jihad in Bosnia in December 1914 to ensure the stability of the Monarchy and the hinterland as well as because the so called Bosnian regiments, comprising mostly Muslims, had significant military value. Then the fatwa was proclaimed before the Bosnian regiments stationed elsewhere at various places, including Hungary, in March 1915. Just like in Germany, the jihad was used by the Monarchy as well to recruit volunteers against the Triple Entente among Muslim Russian prisoners of war. It must be noted that the Dual Monarchy – as opposed to the Germans – did not spread jihad propaganda outside its borders.
György Csorba, The Declaration of Jihad in the Monarchy during World War I, AETAS Könyvés Lapkiadó Egyesület, 32(2017)1, 68-80
The German orientalist von Oppenheim was known for being a diplomat and an archaeologist who had extensive knowledge of the situation of the Arab and Islamic world and his connections with many political, partisan and intellectual Arab and Islamic figures and gained the confidence of the Emperor of Germany. Areas of influence and colonialism during the most intense stages of the colonial competition prior to the First World War, has been constantly called through his reports to exploit the feelings of Muslims to fuel Islamic Jihad against the enemies of Germany. He was called the "spiritual father of the Islamic Jihad." British circles described him as the "Caesar's spy" and caused his activities in the British and French colonial circles. He was summoned at the outbreak of the First World War to carry out German propaganda supporting the German Ottoman alliance. The third axis focused on (the trip of Oppenheim to the Levant 1915 to spread the German propaganda), and the third axis (the fate of German propaganda and the Holy War 1915 until 1918).Farkhan Faisal G. al-Ghanimi, Mustafa H. Muhsin adh-Dhabhawi, The Islamic College University Journal, an-Najaf ash-Sharif, 2018
Analysis of the discourse on pan-Islamism (the perceived Islamic menace both to the ‘global’ European civilization and the integrity of the Russian Empire) in Russian imperial structures (especially, the Ministry of the Interior) during 1910–1914. The discourse is considered as one of the institutionalized ways of constructing Russia’s ‘own’ Muslim other (along with the foreign one) and, simultaneously, as construction of an ‘internal enemy’. The key question... is why the discourse preserved its productivity and explanatory force in spite of its instrumentalization revealed at the previous step of the analysis: the correspondence between the center and the local authorities and inter-ministerial conflicts (analyzed, mainly, for Turkestan and Bukhara) show that it used to be manipulated according to situational needs. The complexity of the discourse’s functions is suggested as an explanation of its force. Its Orientalism (where Muslims were seen as an organic cultural/racial whole) combined with conspiracy theory formed a channel for the spy-mania that would explode in the WWI years: the nationalizing, unifying trends, and counter trends.
Olga Yu. Bessmertnaya, “The scarlet roses of the Orient”: “Pan-Islamism”, Orientalism, and spy-mania in the last peaceful years of the Russian Empire. An empire of intelligence? The Journal of the School of Advanced Studies in the Humanities, Moscow 4(2018)1, 9-44
Also of interest, no direct reaction to my book above, though: The German Military and the Investigation of the Ottoman Landscape
There is no mistaking that the Germans were firmly interested in obtaining cultural and economic influence over the Middle East. Many of the scholarly undertakings performed in the foreign territory could be included in this context… German politics and its leading masterminds, in contrast, were much more supportive of strengthening the Ottoman Empire so that they could realise their own imperialistic goal of the so-called ‘peaceful penetration’. In practice, these politics resulted in a broad spectrum that ranged from efforts towards gaining unfair advantages to honest cooperation and an enduring knowledge and technology transfer. The activity of German scientists in uniform reflected precisely this range. Therefore, just as the implementation of German economic interests in the Ottoman Empire during the First World War made no essential advances in comparison to the pre-war years, and consequently cannot be characterised as being exploitative in nature, German scientists’ activity is similarly not to be equated per se with colonial appropriation …This cooperative approach separated the service of German researchers in the Ottoman landscape from those in the colonies or in the occupied regions of Eastern Europe.
Another disturbing aspect of relations between the Federal Republic and Syria was the GDR’s attempts to gain a foothold in Syria. From the GDR’s point of view, exploiting the political situation in the Near East to outstrip the Federal Republic there and to thus win diplomatic recognition in the Arab region was of great significance and completely legitimate. In fact, the primary aim of the Federal Republic’s foreign policy was to maintain its claim of being the sole legitimate German government. For this purpose, the so-called ‘Hallstein Doctrine’ was devised. This Doctrine was the epitome of the Federal Republic’s campaign to ostracize and isolate East Germany internationally by requiring that states retained diplomatic relations only with Bonn.
Writing in the Middle East
Quarterly, Winter 2018, Wolfgang
G. Schwanitz reported that: “on August 12, 1918, Grand Vizier Talaat
Pasha, Djemal’s co-triumvir, issued an official declaration in the name
of the Ottoman government abolishing [these] restrictions and expressing
sympathy “for the establishment of a religious and national Jewish
center in Palestine by well-organized immigration and colonization.”
Though issued far too late to have any concrete effect—nearly half a
year after the British conquest of Palestine and some eighty days
before the Ottoman surrender—the significance of the declaration
cannot be overstated. Here was the world’s foremost Muslim power
mirroring the British government’s recognition (in the November 1917
Balfour Declaration) of the Jewish right to national revival in
Palestine, something that many Muslim states refuse to acknowledge to
date.” When Erdoğan throws his weight around, affecting to revivify
Ottoman domination, either he does not know the history of the woebegone
empire that subjugated so many for so long, or he hopes nobody else
does… That the local Arabs are loyal and hard-working, and part of the
development of this remarkably successful country, comes from a
long-standing tradition of peaceful co-existence. The
Ottoman “Balfour” Declaration
showed that the phenomenon of Arab hating Jew is not inevitable…
2014 German book
Islam in Europe, Revolts in the Middle East, has a chapter
"The Kaiser's Ottoman
Balfour Declaration, OBD" (107-11) with the first
publication of the 1918 OBD's long version (118). Here are voices about
Talat's OBD that was published in a short version in The Jewish
Chronicle, London, September 6, 1918:
Even the Ottoman Empire, head of the world's Muslim community, seemed to have acknowledged the right of the Jews to collective revival in their ancestral homeland. On August 12, 1918, Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha, one of the triumvirs who had run the empire since 1913, issued an official communiqué expressing "sympathies for the establishment of a religious and national Jewish center in Palestine by well-organized immigration and colonization" and offering to promote this enterprise "by all means" provided it "does not affect the rights of the non-Jewish population."[Endnote: Wolfgang G. Schwanitz, "The Ottoman 'Balfour Declaration,'" Middle East Quarterly, Winter 2018.]
Largely modeled on the Balfour Declaration and formulated in a similar process of lengthy discussions with prominent Jewish leaders, Talaat's proclamation came too late to have real significance—two-and-a-half months after its issuance, the Ottomans surrendered to the Allies—and was apparently designed to improve the Muslim empire's bargaining position in the looming postwar peace talks. Yet its issuance was nothing short of extraordinary given the violent Ottoman reaction to anything that smacked of national self-determination, from the Greek war of independence in the 1820s, to the Balkan wars of the 1870s, to the Armenian genocide of World War I. Indeed, only a year before the declaration, the Jewish community in Palestine (or the Yishuv) faced a real risk of extinction from the Ottomans for the very same reason, only to be saved through intervention by Germany, Istanbul's senior war ally.
Einiges zu bieten hat Wolfgang G. Schwanitz' knapp 800-seitige Monographie "Islam in Europa, Revolten in Mittelost". Sie ist voll von Fotos, Karikaturen und Reproduktionen von Originaldokumenten, die die wechselvolle Geschichte des Islamismus der vorigen 130 Jahre erhellen. Kurze Kapitel, Überschriften in Schlagzeilen, wie eine chronologische Essay-Sammlung: ein leicht lesbarer essayistischer Text wie in einer guten Wochenzeitung, weniger wie eine wissenschaftliche Abhandlung mit einer vertieften Analyse jener Dokumente. Wer mit Blick auf Nahost und islamistische Bewegungen Informationen zu politischen Entwicklungen im 20. Jahrhundert sucht, mag hier das eine oder andere Spannende finden.
Schwanitz, Wolfgang G.: Streit um den Großmufti al-Husaini, deutsche Mitteloststudien nach 9/11, 2019, [= Amerika – Mittelost – Europa. Regionalhistorische Komparatistik: Politik, Wirtschaft, Militär und Kultur, Band 8], ca. 500 S., ISBN 978-3-86464-039-1, ca. 50,00 EUR
Stimmen und Reviews zum Buch "Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East"
In Barry Rubin’s and Wolfgang G. Schwanitz’s appraisal Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of The Modern Middle East, they describe al-Husaini as “The single most important foreign collaborator with the Nazis and certainly the most prized non-European.” The Grand Mufti was an Arab nationalist and an admirer of Hitler; he claimed, “Germany was a natural friend” since Britain and the Jews were common enemies. The collaboration al-Husaini had with the Third Reich was unique since he was a Muslim, who attempted to garner and advocate for political and militant support for the Nazis in North Africa and the Middle East. Rubin and Schwanitz suggest al-Husaini’s influence on Nazi Germany was more significant than historians realize. For instance, they suggest the Mufti’s meeting with Hitler on November 28, 1941, influenced Hitler to send out invitations to high-ranking Nazi officials for the Wannsee Conference, which is widely known by historians as the meeting where German officials orchestrated the Final Solution of the European Jews.
Jesus Montemayor, Historiographical Perspectives of the Third Reich: Nazi Policies towards the Arab World and European Muslims, New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences, 2 (Fall 2017)2, 16-30
At the turn of the twenty-first century, there was a discursive shift in the narrative of the relationship between the Arabs, the Nazis, and the Holocaust, with much greater emphasis placed on the Islamic connections to Nazism, and the history of Islamic anti-Semitism has been rewritten accordingly. A number of scholars have recast Hajj Amin al-Husaini, the Palestinian Muslim nationalist leader who notoriously found common cause with Germany and the Nazis during the Third Reich, as the most important forerunner to and influence on radical Islamist anti-Semitism alongside Sayyid Qutb. Barry Rubin and Wolfgang G. Schwanitz, for example, describe him as the “father of modern Arab and Islamist politics.” Al-Husaini’s support for and ties to Hasan al-Banna, the founder of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, which he first fostered during the Nazi era and continued during his exile in Egypt after the war, are presented as further evidence of the lasting legacy of al-Husaini in the development of the “Islamist” movement and its radical anti-Semitic ideology… When we historicize how “Islamic anti-Semitism” developed as a myth, a better understanding of the complexities of the evolving relationship of Muslims and Jews in history can be achieved.
[My comment – D.J. Schroeter opines: unlike most scholars, the authors use the term "Islamist" to refer to the Muslim Brotherhood and pan-Islamic politics for the period before World War II. Indeed, I add that "Islamist," an Arabic term for more than 1,000 years, served as a self-identification of activists, especially after 1839 and 1856. As the Muslim Brotherhood's birth certificate emerged in Berlin and Istanbul, in 1917, the Egyptian Islamist Abd al-Malik Hamza penned his first "theory of Islamism" and named it exactly like that. Thus, "before 1939" they coined a new quality in their movement that had not much to do with conflicts thereafter as Schroeter asserts. If he likes to trace a historical discourse, doesn't he need to catch its history first? I claim that the key discursive shift didn't happen at the millennium but more than 100 years before. On this line the preacher Yusuf A. al-Qaradawi called himself a "Muslim and Islamist."]
“It’s wrong to see [al-Husaini] and his fellow radicals as merely importing European anti-Semitism,” Rubin and Schwanitz stress. Nazis, fascists, Arab nationalists and Islamists, they argue, “came together on the basis of both common interests and similar worldviews,” the latter of which included the centrality of Jews as “the villains of all history, the eternal enemy without whose extinction salvation and a proper world were impossible.” They point to the ideological inspiration that modern Islamist movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood (whose founder Hasan al-Banna admired Hitler), and Ba’ath Party nationalists alike would draw from National Socialist ideas and propaganda… Yet the Nazis did succeed in one thing: poisoning the mind of many Muslims against Jews. Anti-Semitic tropes propagated by the Third Reich, from medieval Christian blood libels to virulent conspiracy theories, have been grafted seamlessly onto old Islamic anti-Jewish prejudices, thereby gaining a new lease on life in the Muslim world. That’s why it’s not only the Nazis’ wartime alliance with Islam that should hold our interest but also numerous surviving Nazi stalwarts’ symbiotic postwar relationships with Middle Eastern regimes, under whose shelter they sought refuge from being held to account for war crimes.
Arab states welcomed Nazi war criminals, some 4,000 of them, with open arms. “No Arab country ever expelled any of them,” Rubin and Schwanitz point out, “but instead shielded [them] from prosecution” and employed them as military advisors, intelligence operatives and propagandists. Erstwhile Nazis like the rabidly anti-Jewish SS major Johann von Leers, who relocated to Cairo, converted to Islam and reinvented himself as Omar Amin von Leers, and Adolf Eichmann’s right-hand man Alois Brunner, who found a new home in Damascus, proved themselves useful as avidly virulent anti-Zionist propagandists for their hosts. Others like Brunner’s former boss, who was hiding out in Argentina, acted as cheerleaders for a united Arab offensive against Israel.
Der Jerusalemer Großmufti besuchte keine Koranschule, aber er kannte die in Max von Oppenheims Kreisen propagierten Werke… Nach seinem Amtsantritt am 10. Mai 1921 stieg al-Husaini zum wichtigsten geistigen Führer des arabischen Raums auf. Dies begünstigte, dass die Türkei nach Mehmed VI das Kalifat aufgab (bis heute). So nahm die Rolle des Jerusalemer Großmufti für alle Muslime zu. Als wäre das nicht genug, wurde al-Husaini zum Führer des Obersten Islamrats ernannt, der Wohltätigkeitsvereine, Stiftungen und Gerichten anleitete. "Das gab ihm eine starke Macht und stete Einnahmequelle. Kein anderer Araber aus Palästina konnte mit ihm konkurrieren", so Barry Rubin und Wolfgang G. Schwanitz. Al-Husaini erhielt als junger Nationalist, der in die Rolle eines Islamisten wuchs, die Werkzeuge, um das Ringen der Araber zu leiten: zuerst gegen Juden, dann gegen Briten. Beide standen ihm im Weg, sein Großsyrien zu schaffen. Gegen das Empire brauchte er starke Beschützer… 1924 eröffnete die Deutsche Orient Bank ihre Filialen in der Türkei und zwei Jahre später in Ägypten. Zerrissene Bande wurden hergestellt. Deutsche Kapitalisten und arabische Nationalisten hatten einen gemeinsamen Feind, das Britische Empire. So gab es Geld für Flüchtlinge aus Mittelost und ihre Zeitungen wie "Liwa al-Islam". Sie schürten Hass auf Kolonisatoren und förderten einen unabhängigen Araberstaat. Die Idee, dass Muslime wertvolle Verbündete wären, kam gar Adolf Hitler… Der Großmufti schaffte ein Netz verdeckter Milizen nicht mehr nur mit Nationalisten, sondern Islamisten… Unter ihren Studenten kollidierten erstmals in Berlin moderate Muslime und radikale Islamisten, die laut Rubin und Schwanitz ein globales Netzwerk aufbauten, auch in Genf über den libanesischen Drusenprinz Shakib Arslan, einst Helfer von Oppenheim… über das Islamische Institut in Berlin (den Institutsrat führte Franz von Papen an), den Weltislam-Kongress 1931 in Jerusalem und dessen Berliner Ableger… Unter al-Husaini erschien Radikalität als Indikator für Legitimität, die extremste Position geriet zur führenden, die gemäßigte verlor als Verrat an Islam und arabischer Nation...
Max von Oppenheim's study
of Arabic and published observations of the region brought him to
the attention of Germany’s Foreign Ministry, which was concerned
about Islam’s spread into its African colonies, as Barry Rubin and
Wolfgang G. Schwanitz detailed in their 2014 book Nazis, Islamists
and the Making of the Modern Middle East. Shortly after his
appointment in 1896 as attaché to the German consulate in Cairo,
Oppenheim became convinced that Berlin could harness the pan-Islamic
movement, using it as a strategic weapon. At the time, the decrepit
Ottoman Empire, suffering from decades of territorial losses and a
failure to modernize, was increasingly emphasizing Islam as a
unifying force. Many of its subjects resented the influence of
Western, Christian powers such as France, Britain and Russia in
lands that had been, for centuries, dominated by Muslim rule.
Germany, however, did not have any colonies in the region, and
Oppenheim sensed an opportunity. In dispatches to Germany’s then
ruler, Kaiser Wilhelm, Oppenheim “advised him to back Islamism as a
political movement,” Schwanitz and Rubin point out. Kaiser Wilhelm
acquiesced and, the scholars note, in the fall of 1898 an “alliance
with Islamism and the launching of jihad were officially adopted as
With Islamist groups taking advantage of uprisings across the Middle East, notably in Egypt, where the Muslim Brotherhood succeeded for a time in gaining power and is still widely viewed as the democratically elected government of Egypt, the publication of this richly researched book, a joint production of two leading Middle East scholars, could not be timelier. While many analysts ascribe the so-called “Arab Spring” to a yearning for democracy, Rubin and Schwanitz remind us of a deep and abiding connection between radical Islamism and imperial, then later, Nazi Germany...
The authors’ essential thesis is that, without al-Husaini’s influence, more moderate Arab voices might have prevailed over radicalism, and “there might have been other options” to war in 1948: “Once al-Husaini was allowed to re-establish himself as unchallengeable leader of the Palestinian Arabs, this ensured that no compromise or two-state solution would be considered, while making certain that Arab leaders would be intimidated and driven to war. Al-Husaini’s and the radical legacy have continued to dominate the Palestinian national and the Islamist global movement down to the present day.”
The failure of al-Husaini’s plan to expunge all Jews from Palestine led him to adapt the hitherto rejected notion of partition to his own ends. The two-stage strategy—essentially gaining a foothold in the West Bank and Gaza and using this land as a base for destroying Israel—was crafted by al-Husaini and passed along to his protégé Yasir Arafat. Rubin and Schwanitz offer a compelling and somber insight into Islamism that must be taken into account when reflecting on the problems of the Middle East today, not least by thoughtful and open-minded Muslims.
Muslims from many Muslim countries recognized al-Husaini’s leadership and came to pay their respects in Jerusalem, his personal base. He was in close contact with the Muslim Brotherhood through Muhammad Mustafa al-Maraghi. In 1931, al-Husaini organized the General Islamic Congress in Jerusalem, which resulted in the formation of the Islamic World Congress and his election as president. Several international branches contributed funds to the head office in Jerusalem.
At first, al-Husaini concentrated in building a strong united state that would be nationalist and Islamist, and playing both cards, garnered mass support from a religiously oriented public that was not ready to accept secular nationalism. He also persuaded the Nazis that he was leader of the world’s Muslims and Arabs. Al-Husaini’s and the radical faction’s most significant tactic at this stage “was to make militancy the test for legitimacy. The most extreme stance became the legitimate mainstream one; anything more moderate was portrayed as treason to Islam and the Arab people. Using this standard, al-Husaini and his allies could blackmail and intimidate Arab governments, threatening to discredit or even assassinate anyone who wanted to compromise with the West or to oppose their goals.”
The book Nazis, Islamists and the Makinge of the Modern Middle East is also advised by The Holocaust Timeline in its Holocaust Bibliography, a Chronicle 1933 to 1946, in the section Suggested Reading as #60. It is as well in the holdings of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Library Catalogue.
Barry Rubin and Wolfgang G. Schwanitz cogently argue that the Grand Mufti al-Hajj Amin al-Husaini was an important figure in the founding of modern Arab and Islamist politics who "played a central role in the Islamist movement's survival during the 1950s and 1960s," making it possible for "the movement's revival in the 1970s to gain hegemony in Iran, Turkey, and much of the Arab-speaking world and Iran by the early twenty-first century." Al-Husaini's collaboration with the Nazis, which has been misinterpreted by some recent scholars such as Matthias Küntzel (Jihad and Jew Hatred), must also taken into consideration. Authors like him claim that modern Islamic antisemitism was derived entirely from the Nazis. But as Rubin and Schwanitz repeatedly emphasize, al-Husaini and later Islamists such as al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb, and the Ayatullah Khumaini all drew on their own backgrounds, traditions, and doctrines to spread antisemitism.
The Islamic holy texts are even relevant for understanding the sources of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. According to Ibn Warraq, it is in the life and works of the founding father of Palestinian nationalism, the Grand Mufti al-Hajj Amin al-Husaini, that one clearly sees the confluence of the original Islamic commandments and modern Arab and Palestinian Jew-hatred. Relying heavily on the scholarly work of Barry Rubin and Wolfgang G. Schwanitz, Ibn Warraq notes that the mufti not only succeeded in Islamicizing the Palestinian resistance to the Zionist project; he also was responsible for radical Islam’s survival in the 1950s and 1960s and its 1970s revival.
Fred Siegel & Sol Stern, New York, City Journal 27(Summer 2017), 36
In Resources, the Spring Films and Echodocs Production of "Remember Baghdad – Iraq's Last Jews Tell the Story of Their Country," Filmmaker Fiona Murphy’s team also advises for further reading Rubin, Barry M., and Wolfgang G. Schwanitz, Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014.
Watch Movie Trailer, it is "A Window in a Lost World," Coming 2017, "Jews, Muslims, Christians – we were all Iraqis – it was paradise...."
Al-Husaini was definitely a war criminal and was on Britain's list for trial… The Swiss would not give him refuge as Germany fell, but the French did, out of spite against the British, and they released him to create decades of Islamist mayhem in the Middle East. The French did it again when they gave refuge to the Ayatollah Khomeini. Without these two men, world history would have been very different. The great irony here is that the Muslim world always managed to choose losers: first the Nazis, and then the Communists. Now they are following the latest Islamo-fascist cult, ISIS. Saudi money is still supporting that movement... National borders are in meltdown, hordes of citizens fleeing, and the region's anarchy moving global... This demonstrates how important Germany’s involvement was in the worst 20th century events. Nothing that they did in World War II was a one-time only. The seeds were already planted in World War I, and before that, in the encouragement of the Muslim Arab world to revolt against their colonizers (Ottoman, and later British and French) and side with Germany in the world wars and after...
Laina Farhat-Holzman, Comparative Civilizations Review, 76(2017)76, 22
I read this book to
better understand the role of the Middle East during WWII. Dual and
identical ideologies of radical nationalism and supremacist fanaticism
were formulated separately and concurrently in Germany and the Middle
East. Political collaborations were forged for mutual purposes of Jewish
genocide and world power, which were, and are, deliberately promulgated
across generations. This produced the Armenian devastation and WWI under
Kaiser Wilhelm II and the Ottoman Turks; WWII and the Holocaust under
Hitler, coordinated with the murder of Middle Eastern Jews under
Jerusalem's Grand Mufti, Amin al-Husaini; the wars between Israel and
her adjacent militant Muslim countries; the triumph of the Muslim
Brotherhood and its offshoots, subduing moderate Muslim societies, e.g.,
Lebanon and Gaza; and the 911 tragedy in the U.S. and Arab terrorism
within Israel against Jews. The authors' book reflects exhaustive
research and is well organized and objective. To understand the Middle
East today, one would be well advised to read this fascinating history.
Primarily centered on the Second World War, Rubin and Schwanitz extend the scope of their analysis to the second half of the past century and the present, discussing the legacies of Amin al-Husaini’s with the National Socialist regime in Middle Eastern politics… both authors strongly emphasize the role and power of ideas and Islamism as an ideology... they assert the basic continuity of ‘Islamism’ as an ideology from the Kaiserreich to the present day.Nils Riecken, German Historical Institute London Bulletin, 38 (November 2016) 2, 63-76. [My reply: for more on al-Husaini see also here]
Rubin and Schwanitz contend that political liberalism was effectively destroyed in the 1940s and 1950s allowing the Middle East to be ‘the only part of the world where the local allies of Nazi Germany and those holding so many of the same ideas actually emerged triumphant in the postwar world.’ Thus, the parties that came to power in the post-war period drew inspiration from Nazism and fascism, and the Nazi legacy ‘continues to reverberate many decades later given its profound effects on Arab nationalism, Islamism, and the course taken by the Palestinian Arab movement.’ Certainly anti-Semitism was a component of German-Arab relations during the 1930s and 1940s. Al-Husaini's career testifies to the opportunities that it created. Nonetheless, these works do not prove that it was the key component in the relationship between the Middle East and Nazi Germany. There is no new evidence that the Mufti commanded the support of any significant number of Arab Muslims either during his exile or afterward. Moreover, neither book satisfactorily demonstrates that the Mufti's anti-Semitic position was shared by Islamic groups in the Middle East during the war. What is convincing about their research, however, is that German leaders consistently misapprehended the situation in the Middle East, which is clear from the large role the Nazis accorded al-Husaini in trying to win over Muslim allies.
Mia Lee, Contemporary European History, 29 September 2016
The Holocaust was a Nazi program, no matter what the inspiration for it. But it does matter in another way: it reveals something that has not been widely understood: the long-standing parallel developments during the 1920s and 30s of a murderous brand of fascism that allied the Nazis with the Muslim world. ISIS represents a genocidal cult modeled directly on Nazi practices… Germany had a long-time Middle East policy dating to the 19th century, designed to vex the British and French, who had acquired empire before the Germans had even united into one country. They had a long-time project of fomenting Muslim jihad against Germany's rivals. Newly awakened Muslims gave rise to radical nationalism and Islamism in their beginning of rebellion against their colonial masters, the British and French. Germany was a perfect ally since they shared common and parallel interests, including rabid hatred of Jews. The rise of the Nazis after World War I paralleled fascist movements all over the world at that time. Dictatorships blossomed, all sharing the same disdain for democracy, votes for women, and tolerance for some ethnic diversity. The Muslim world, such as it was (ethnically divided), followed the same track. They adopted authoritarian rule in their newly minted countries, a religion frozen in the Middle Ages, and injured pride over their obvious backwardness… The connection between the Nazis and the Muslim World is alive and well, but is doomed to the same end that the Nazis earned. This is a definitive book on this very current subject.
Dr. Laina Farhat-Holzman, Co-author of Civilization in Crisis, Globalthink.Net / Pajaronian, July 26, 2016
The Nazi link to Islamic extremism and terrorist tactics is clear. Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East also explores the Nazi political influence on radical Islamic political organisations, including the Muslim Brotherhood (founded in Egypt in 1928) and the Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party of Syria founded in 1947. Former Nazis not only trained Islamic extremists in terror tactics, they also encouraged a nationalistic, socialist and genocidal political agenda in them. I felt appalled as I read about this hidden history. Why isn’t the Nazi origin of modern-day terrorism discussed in the media? Why aren’t our leaders talking about this? Terrorism has already taken many lives in the 21st century.
We won’t be able to fight it effectively until we understand its root causes and origins.
A recently unearthed documentary evidence suggests that the mufti and Hitler egged each other on in a mutual genocidal frenzy… Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East, by Barry Rubin and Wolfgang G. Schwanitz, argues that the mufti’s alliance with Hitler turned the extermination of the whole of European Jewry into a strategic imperative. As late as July 1941, according to Hermann Göring, Hitler thought the last of the Jews could be removed from Germany by “emigration or evacuation.” The authors write: “Yet since other countries refused to take many or any Jewish refugees, Palestine was the only possible refuge, as designated by the League of Nations in 1922. If that last safe haven was closed, mass murder would be Hitler’s only alternative.” Rubin and Schwanitz make clear that the November 1941 meeting between Hitler and Husseini merely continued a dialogue that had started earlier that year about the mufti’s opposition to Hitler’s deportation of European Jews. “In February 1941, Hitler had received al-Husaini’s proposal for an alliance of which one condition – paragraph seven – was that Germany stop Jewish emigration from Europe. After Hitler promised al-Husaini on March 11 to do so, Germany’s expulsion of the Jews was impossible and only mass murder remained. “... After agreeing in early June to meet al-Husaini to discuss the issue, Hitler ordered SS leader Reinhard Heydrich on July 31, 1941 to prepare an ‘overall solution for the Jewish question in Europe.’ On October 31, he ended the legal emigration of Jews from German-ruled areas. But the specific final decision had not yet been taken.” On November 28, Hitler met the mufti in Berlin. “Behind closed doors, Hitler promised al-Husaini that Arab aspirations would be fulfilled. Once ‘we win’ the battle against world Jewry, Hitler said, Germany would eliminate the Jews in the Middle East, too.” The following day, “he ordered Heydrich to organise a conference within ten days to prepare ‘the final solution of the Jewish question.’”
Rubin and Schwanitz maintain that profound doctrinal hatred for Jews remains the core reason for the Arab-Israel conflict’s enduring and irresolvable nature. Take a look at Israel’s partners for peace. Heads of state who were once Nazi sympathizers ran regimes that lasted 40 years in Iraq, 50 years in Syria and 60 years in Egypt. An echo of the antisemitism of the 1930s reverberated through speeches of Egypt’s Jamal Abd an-Nasir, Iraqi’s Saddam Husain, Iran’s Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Libya’s Muammar al-Qaddafi and Saudi Arabia’s Usama bin Ladin. A Nazi sympathizer educated Yasir Arafat… A strident antisemite who had been fighting Zionism since 1914, al-Husaini claimed the mantle of leader of transnational Islamism after Turkey, in 1924, abolished the Islamic Caliphate. He solidified his position within the Arab and Muslim communities through violence and murder. Under his leadership, militancy became mainstream and moderation was regarded as treason…
Nazi ideology collapsed in 1945. However, a radical Arab nationalism, accompanied by a form of al-Husaini Islamism steeped in hatred of the Jews, flourished after the war. Little has changed despite the passage of decades, events and generations. Rubin and Schwanitz say al-Husaini’s legacy can been seen in the words and actions of Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran, Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaeda. For them, as for the Nazis and al-Husaini, Jews are the villains of all history, the eternal enemy without whose extinction a proper world would be impossible … often, the individuals responsible for the Mideast’s post-1945 course had direct links to the Nazi era: “Comprehending this fact is the starting point for understanding modern Middle East history, its turbulence, tragedies and its many differences from other parts of the world.”
Robert Matas, Vancouver-based writer, Jewish Independent, 30 October 2015
Rubin and Schwanitz consider alliances forged among Nazi leaders, Arab nationalists, and Muslim religious authorities. They draw on recent research in European, American, and Middle East archives in considering Nazism, Islamism, and jihad.
Rubin and Schwanitz say that the father of the German policy to recruit Muslims into the German side was Max von Oppenheim and call for Jihad against Christian Britain, France, and Russia... he was as important to German strategy in the Middle East as Lawrence of Arabia was to Britain. In November 1914 von Oppenheim wrote a 136-page plan, “The Revolutionizing of the Islamic Territories of Our Enemies”, to the Kaiser. “The plan was quickly approved and funded. It identified [Germany’s] enemy not only the British, French, and Russians but also non-Muslim minorities, Christians and Jews who supported the Allies. This meant Germany’s endorsement of a war against civilians and spreading religious hatred. Thus, German strategy would be intimately involved in the Ottoman’s mass murder of Armenians,” say Rubin and Schwanitz. Excerpts: “Soon, the Armenians disappeared entirely from eastern Armenia. Enver told a visiting German that there was “No Armenian question anymore.” He said that Armenians had killed between 125,000 and 150,000 Muslim Turks, and that the Turks had killed—the figures are hotly debated to this day—up to one and a half million Armenians."…“The mass murder of Ottoman Armenians was the largest organized massacre against a civilian minority since medieval and probably since ancient times. While it was carried out by the Ottomans, the German broadly inspired it, were well aware of it, and didn’t interfere with it.”
When I wrote The Farhud in 2010, the focus was on excavating the details of a forgotten pogrom and a forgotten Nazi alliance. Only in recent years has a renewed trickle of excellent scholarship yielded gripping new research into the Arab role in the Holocaust. For example... Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East, by Barry M. Rubin and meticulous Arab and Turkish culture researcher Wolfgang G. Schwanitz, was published by Yale University Press. There are several excellent others... "The organizations and individuals assembled and represented here, this June 1, 2015, in New York City at the United Nations, do hereby proclaim June 1st as International Farhud Day, to recognize and commemorate the Nazi-allied massacre by Arabs, the mass forced exodus that followed, and the 850,000 to 900,000 Jewish refugees from Arab Lands. We recognize this date as a lamented day of history that should not be forgotten.”
"The claim that Palestinians and Arabs had nothing to do with the Holocaust is false. In fact, Arab and Palestinian leaders played a significant role in aiding and abetting the Nazi plan to exterminate the Jews in Europe and they hoped to implement the genocide in the Middle East. A growing number of publications, including extensive original, high-quality archival scholarship, proves this beyond a shadow of a doubt… Rubin and Schwanitz summarize the Arab role in the Nazi choice of genocide for the Jews: “It is logical to believe that the Holocaust was a decision based on fanatical ideology rather than on German self-interest. Of course, Hitler’s virulent hatred of Jews and talk of wiping them out had begun in the 1920s. If al-Husaini or some counterpart had not existed, the Nazis would probably have acted in a similar fashion. But the influence of al-Husaini, al-Kailani, and their movements also reinforced, made more necessary, and accelerated a policy of genocide in Europe that the Axis’s [Arab] partners intended to spread to the Middle East.”
“The enemy of your enemy is your friend,” wrote the Grand Mufti of
Jerusalem, al-Hajj Amin al-Husaini, about his reverence for Nazi
Germany that had fought his enemies, the (British) colonialists and
the Zionists. While this may have been an understatement, it is
common knowledge that the Palestinian Arab leader ruined his
reputation by collaborating with the Nazis. The exact nature and
extent of his collaboration and the solidity of its ideological
foundations, however, were not fully explored until the publication
of this study. It is to the credit of these two fine scholars, the
late Israeli historian Barry Rubin and his colleague Wolfgang G.
Schwanitz, that they discovered documentary proof in German,
Yugoslav, Israeli, British and Russian archives of how the Grand
Mufti made maximal efforts to provide the Nazis—who were notoriously
short of allies—with as much assistance as he could.
Une polémique de la figure du grand mufti de Jérusalem al-Hajj M. Amin al-Husaini
Le livre de Barry Rubin et de Wolfgang G. Schwanitz ne prétend pas que le grand mufti de Jérusalem était l’ami et le confident d’Adolf Hitler, ni qu’al-Husaini était l’architecte de la Shoah, il ne parle pas non plus d’islamo-fascisme et ne compare les islamistes ni aux nazis ni aux fascistes. David Mikics a tort d’attribuer ces thèses aux auteurs et de les juger aussi stupides. En effet, historien du Moyen-Orient, Schwanitz a repris, dans son livre, les théories de Mikics et de Robert Fisk, il les a critiquées et réfutées. Il explique comment les islamistes radicaux ont dominé les musulmans modérés. Il évoque l’accord de Ha’avara conclu par Hitler, à la mi-1933, avec les juifs et notamment ses conséquences : l’émigration d’environ 10 000 juifs par an en Palestine jusqu’en 1939. C’est ainsi que près d’un demi-million de juifs ont pu quitter légalement l’Allemagne à la date du 31 octobre 1941. Le livre précise qu’il y aurait eu une autre solution que la destruction du peuple juif par les exécutions par balles et gaz : l’émigration. Mais al-Husaini ne le voulait pas. Cette émigration des juifs à destination de la Palestine devait, selon lui, s’interrompre. Si Hitler souhaitait avoir les musulmans et les arabes comme alliés, il lui fallait interdire aux Juifs de quitter l’Europe. Parallèlement, le grand mufti et d’autres dirigeants du monde arabe estimaient que si le Royaume-Uni voulait rester en bons termes avec le monde arabe, il fallait aussi qu’il ferme l’accès à la Palestine aux Juifs d’Europe. Cette attitude permet donc de dire que le grand mufti a contribué indirectement à la Shoah et ceci dès le départ. David-Pryce Jones, Lionel Gossman, Robert O. Freedman, Marshall T. Poe, Jack Fischel et Walid Jumblatt sont arrivés aux mêmes conclusions. Pour Wolfgang G. Schwanitz, il est clair que Hitler fut l’architecte de la Shoah, il fut aidé, dans cette tâche, par Heinrich Himmler et Adolf Eichmann. Le grand mufti Amin al-Husaini peut être néanmoins considéré comme le principal complice extra-européen d’Adolf Hitler.
Jetzt auch auf Polnisch erschienen: Hitlerowcy, islamisci i narodziny nowozytnego Bliskiego Wschodu
...Both Middle East scholars, have uncovered documentation that reveals that the use of jihad as a political weapon was first used during World War I, when advisors to Kaiser Wilhelm II urged him to confront Britain and France by encouraging Muslim Arabs in the Middle East and worldwide to join the war on the side of Germany against Allied imperialism. Later, the idea of jihad was resurrected against the Jews during the Third Reich... In 1937, the authors write, “al-Husaini had urged all Muslims to rid their lands of Jews[…], urging the use of force against all Jews in the Middle East” and subsequently proposed a deal to Hitler in which the Arabs would support German aims if the Germans would stop Jews from leaving their country and help him destroy the Jewish home in Palestine. Although the Holocaust was the product of Hitler’s fanatical anti-Semitic ideology, the Nazis found in al-Husaini a willing partner to join their crusade against the Jews. The authors note that if al-Husaini had not existed, the Nazis would have recruited some other leader to accelerate the policy of genocide that the Axis partners intended to spread to the Middle East. Nevertheless, they insist that it would be wrong to view al-Husaini as someone the Nazis used to import their anti-Semitism to the Middle East; rather, the “two groups’ ideas developed in parallel from their own histories and political cultures”[…] World War II not only witnessed the defeat of Nazi Germany but also discredited the doctrine of Aryan supremacy. Yet, based on their selective reading of the Quran, al-Husaini and his ilk continued to promote jihad against Israel in particular and Jews in general throughout the Middle East and the Muslim world... an important book.
Drawing on European, American and Middle East archives, a large number of which had only recently been opened, the authors maintain that there was a collaboration and connection between Nazi Germany and Islamist forces like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt that have determined and still determine the course of events in the Middle East today. The authors specifically concentrate on Amin al-Husaini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem between 1921 and 1948. They claim that he was a radical anti-Semite, and even though he was put in power by Britain, he accepted Nazism and might have been even more of a fanatical anti-Semite than Adolf Hitler. He often stated publicly that the Middle East needed to rid itself of its Jews... While very well written, what makes this book so fascinating are the implications and conclusions the readers can draw from this work.
The authors also note a number of parallels in German policy regarding the Middle East during both wars. Thus, there was an effort in both wars to stir up Muslim/Arab revolts against the British and French (although in World War II, the Germans were more sensitive to the needs of Vichy France in the early stages of the war); in both wars Germany supported a racist policy against ethnic minorities. Thus in World War I, Germany supported a Jihad against the British, French and Russians that led to the murder of a million Armenians by the Ottoman Turks, while in World War II, Germany carried out its own extermination of the Jews. Other parallels include the use of charismatic Muslim personalities such as the Mufti to stir up revolt in the Arab and Muslim worlds; a misunderstanding of the nature of Muslim and Arab politics by minimizing the differences among the various Muslim and Arab groups, and a lack of appreciation of the fact that only battlefield success would convince most Arabs to join Germany (King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia being one of the fence-sitters waiting to see who would win the war)... an excellent book.
The authors' essential thesis is that, without Amin al-Husaini's influence, more moderate Arab voices might have prevailed over radicalism, and "there might have been other options" to war in 1948: "Once al-Husaini was allowed to re-establish himself as unchallengeable leader of the Palestinian Arabs, this ensured that no compromise or two-state solution would be considered, while making certain that Arab leaders would be intimidated and driven to war. Al-Husaini's and the radical legacy have continued to dominate the Palestinian national and the Islamist global movement down to the present day." The failure of al-Husaini's plan to expunge all Jews from Palestine led him to adapt the hitherto rejected notion of partition to his own ends. The two-stage strategy—essentially gaining a foothold in the West Bank and Gaza and using this land as a base for destroying Israel—was crafted by al-Husaini and passed along to his protégé Yasir Arafat.
It is correct that al-Hajj Amin al-Husaini adopted the motto “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.” He met Adolf Hitler many times and went along with Nazi politics on that basis. It is also correct that some Arabs and Muslims did not distinguish between their anger at the Zionist occupation of Palestine and the Jews as Jews. So they voiced internally and openly unholy sentiments and went so far to justify the Holocaust. But these were frivolous arguments. For the Holocaust is one of the biggest crimes against humanity. It is impossible to justify or deny it as some twisted thinkers and foolish schools do... From here, one has to distinguish between opposing the Israeli occupation, the continuation of Jewish settlements in Arab Palestine and ideas of burning Jews and liquidating them, which are to be rejected from both ethical and humanistic, to say nothing of political points of view.
…We should return to that devious, hypocritical – yes, and anti-Semitic – man, the Palestinian Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, al-Hajj Amin al-Husaini, the prelate who visited Hitler and Himmler and supported their persecution of the Jews of Europe. Did he know that the Holocaust had started? Of course he knew. Did he make morally iniquitous broadcasts for the Nazis? Of course he did. Did he appeal to the Germans to send Jews “to the east”? Of course, he made just such a call which may – or may not – have sealed the fate of Jews in Europe... After some extraordinary research – and a lot of new archive material – the authors formulate the theory that al-Hajj Amin was the architect of the Holocaust… Much of the material to support this comes from Fritz Grobba (former German envoy to Kabul, Baghdad and Riyadh, and Muslim-Arab affairs officer in the Nazi foreign ministry)…
Rubin and Schwanitz consider alliances forged among Nazi leaders, Arab nationalists, and Muslim religious authorities. They draw on recent research in European, American, and Middle East archives in considering Nazism, Islamism, and jihad.
This book tells a remarkable and – to me at least – little known but very important story. The particular focus is on a fellow named Amin al-Husaini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem between from 1921 to 1948. Both Al-Husaini and, a bit later, Hitler inherited a project hatched by the German officials in World War I, namely, to start an Islamist Jihad against the Western Powers in the Middle East. The two found common cause in this project: al-Husaini wanted the French and British out and Hitler wanted to Germany to dominate the region. But they were also united by another cause: eliminationist Jew-hatred... It's essential reading for anyone interest in either of these subjects. A truly path-breaking study.
Ten minutes excerpt of a speech on the book "Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East" (Yale University Press, 2014)
given at the memorial for Barry M. Rubin (1950-2014) in the Washington Institute for Near East Policy by the co-author Wolfgang G. Schwanitz
on April 10, 2014. Video produced by Larisa Baste, Washington DC.
Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas has repeatedly paid homage to al-Husaini, which inevitably casts a shadow over today’s news that for the first time, Abbas issued a special statement for Israel’s Holocaust Remembrance Day describing the Holocaust as “the most heinous crime to have occurred against humanity in the modern era.” This statement shouldn’t be dismissed lightly, since it will no doubt trigger furious reactions by all those who insist that the Palestinian “nakba” was a comparable tragedy. Nevertheless, those who will now rush to praise Abbas for this statement should pause for a moment and consider how much more could be achieved for the prospects of genuine reconciliation and peace if the Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world were finally willing to confront their own historical connections to the Nazi era.
Petra Marquardt-Bigman, Author of Amerikanische Geheimdienstanalysen über Deutschland 1942-1949, The Jerusalem Post Blog, April 27, 2014
The odd-couple marriage between Nazis and Arab nationalists has come under increasingly revealing scrutiny over the last decade. Here, fresh research from previously unexamined archives explicitly ties that frightening nexus to today’s Middle East.
Rubin and Schwanitz take care to make a necessary distinction: al-Hajj Muhammad Amin al-Husaini and his successors and imitators are not themselves actual Nazis, but the process of interaction led them to adopt whatever they found congenial in that inhuman ideology. Thoroughly researched and closely argued, this book exposes the reality that the selfsame follies and crimes that wrecked the continent of Europe are now wrecking the Muslim Middle East.
Professor Emeritus Jacob M. Landau, Author of Pan-Turkism, Hebrew University of Jerusalem
“In this hugely important book Barry Rubin and Wolfgang G. Schwanitz show that not only did Nazism enjoy widespread popularity in the contemporary Middle East, but its profound effects on pan-Arabist and Islamist thinking, as well as the evolution of Palestinian Arab nationalism, continue to reverberate throughout the region to date. A must read.”
"Rubin and Schwanitz have done a major, double service - by tracing the historical links between Islamist jihadism and German policy from the Wilhelmine to the Nazi eras; and by highlighting the common (anti-democratic, anti-liberal and anti-Semitic) ideological basis of Nazism and Islamism during the Second World War. The center-piece of their study is the description of the mid-20th century alliance between the Nazis and militant Arab nationalists, which still affects current Middle Eastern politics and policies."
"Nazis, Islamists and the Making of the Modern Middle East is a welcome addition to the short list of indispensable books on the Arab-Israeli conflict. We owe a great debt to Barry Rubin and to Wolfgang G. Schwanitz for revealing an urgent story the international community should have known but somehow missed -- a story that is a key to understanding how we got to this current moment in the Middle East.”
Infos bei Google zum Buch (engl.)
Schlagworte zur Schnellsuche
1977-1982 Studium der Arabistik und Ökonomie, Universität Leipzig
1982 Diplom-Arabist und Ökonom, 1983 Promotionsbeginn, Aspirantur
1985 Dissertation, Ägyptens ‘Siyâsat al-Infitâh al-Iqtisâdî’, Leipzig
1986–1990 Akademie-Forschungsgruppenleiter Geschichte des Nahen und Mittleren Ostens
1991–1995 Mitarbeiter im Forschungsschwerpunkt Moderner Orient, Berlin
1991 IREX-Reise „Near Eastern Studies", New York-Princeton-Washington DC
1992–1993 Chercheur invité européen am Pariser Centre CEDEJ, Kairo
1995–1997 Visiting Fellow, Near Eastern Studies Department, Princeton NJ
1998 German-American Center for Visiting Scholars, Washington DC
1999-2006 Freier Mitarbeiter des Deutschen Orient-Instituts Hamburg
2000- Forschung zur Komparatistik "Amerika-Mittelost-Europa" in Amerika
2004-2008 Lehre am Rowan College in Burlington County, New Jersey
2007-2008 Adjunct Professor, Rider University, Lawrenceville, New Jersey
2012-2014 Associate Fellow, Middle East Forum, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
2014- (-2017 Hochberg Family) Writing Fellow, Middle East Forum
Geschichte, Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur des Nahen und Mittleren Ostens; Geschichte
1988-1989 Seminare zum Nahostkonflikt, Humboldt-Universität Berlin
1993-1994 Hauptseminar deutsch-arabische Geschichte, Freie Universität Berlin
1994 Proseminar, Nahostpolitik der BRD-DDR, Freie Universität Berlin
1997 Hauptseminar, BRD-DDR und der Nahostkonflikt, Freie Universität Berlin
1997-1998 Proseminar, 'Doppelte' Nahostdeutsche, Universität Potsdam
1998-1999 Hauptseminar, Deutsche Orientbeziehungen, Freie Universität Berlin
1999-2000 Hauptseminar, USA, Nahost und Drittes Reich, Freie Universität Berlin
2004-2008 Modern Standard Arabic I and II, Burlington County College, NJ
2007-2008 World History, Rider University, Lawrenceville, NJ
Aktuelle Beiträge im Web zur Komparatistik Amerika-Nahost-Europa
Hass 1. November 2018 (PDF)
Dissens 22. Oktober 2018 (PDF)
Pioniere 5. Oktober 2018 (PDF)
Unwillige 8. August 2018 (PDF)
Helsinki 18. Juli 2018 (PDF)
Zwietracht 11. Juli 2018 (PDF)
Singapur 15. Juni 2018 (PDF)
Carlson 18. Mai 2018 (PDF)
Lemkin 1. Mai 2018 (PDF)
Hoffnungen 18.04.2018 (PDF)
Sendboten 28. März 2018 (PDF)
Superwaffen 9. März 2018 (PDF)
Realpolitik 8. Mai 2017 (PDF)
Leitkulturen 3. Mai 2017 (PDF)
Zeitsprung 21. März 2017 (PDF)
Cyberia 13. März 2017 (PDF)
Kehraus 31. Oktober 2016 (PDF)
Politislam 18. Juli 2016 (PDF)
Heimterror 13. Juni 2016 (PDF)
Antagonisten - Kriege in Mittelost - Flüchtlinge in Europa 2. November 2015 (PDF)
Berliner Iran 30. Oktober 2015 (PDF, Tschechisch)
9/11 Museum und Jihadtourismus 19. Mai 2014 (PDF)
Ankara und Berlin im ergebnisoffenen Prozeß 10. Februar 2014 (PDF)
"Bomben auf die Zionisten". New York 2013 (PDF)
Risikokrieg gegen Syriens Regime 3. September 2013 (PDF)
Linse im Sex Arabiens 12. März 2013 (PDF)
Casus belli für Irans Islamisten (Januar 2012) (PDF)
Abendröte des Regimes Bashshar al-Asad (Dezember 2011) (PDF)
Le bâton RDA. Nancy 2009 (PDF)
Publikationen bei Perlentaucher.de
Beiträge bei Humanities (H-Net, HSozuKult) & Geschichte.Transnational
+ + +
Auch der Nahostexperte Wolfgang G. Schwanitz sieht in Max von Oppenheim den "Vater der Idee, den Islam zu jihadisieren". Für andere ist er aber eine unbedeutende Randfigur, ein naiver, unpolitischer Träumer. Welchen Anteil hatte sein Einfluss im Orient am heutigen islamistischen Terror?
Umfrage, National Geographic Deutschland, Februar 2008
Professor Schwanitz has authored four and edited ten books on the comparative history and politics of relations between America, the Middle East, and Europe.
Global Politician, October 2007
The Middle East historian Wolfgang G. Schwanitz talked about the Grand Mufti Amin al-Husaini and Adolf Hitler, how they related to Iraq's fate under Sdaam Husain.
The History Channel, 02.01.2007, 03.01.2007
College professor Schwanitz claims that Islamists like the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Amin al-Husaini put America on the target
list of jihad as far back as 1941.
Deutsche Welle, Newslink Plus, 13.10.2006
Die Bush-Administration hat laut Wolfgang G. Schwanitz keine nationale Islampolitik, sondern nur eine Islampraxis.
Deutsche Welle, Focus Amerika, 10.10.2006
In Amerika lebt und forscht der Nahosthistoriker Wolfgang G.
Schwanitz, einer der renommiertesten Kenner der besonderen
islamisch-deutschen Geschichte wie sie sich in der
jahrelangen Zusammenarbeit des Jerusalemer Großmuftis Amin
al-Husaini mit Hitler zeigte.
Wolfgang G. Schwanitz besetzt mit seinen umfangreichen Studien
einen der vorderen Plätze in der deutschen Orientforschung.
Diese Geschichte der Deutschen Orientbank kann man mit Gewinn lesen
oder als Handbuch benutzen, da umfassend neues Quellenmaterial vor allem
aus US-amerikanischen Archiven zutage gefördert wurde; auf das reife,
durchkonstruierte Werk zur Deutschen Orientbank wird man noch warten müssen.
He discovered a most secret Egyptian peace initiative toward Israel of
Seperately, Wolfgang G. Schwanitz found an U.S. document on the Nazi's advanced [nuclear] weapons program.
Wolfgang G. Schwanitz sheds interesting new light on Fritz Grobba in
Baghdad not known until now.
Durch seine Djihadisierung des Islam machte sich der Diplomat Max von
Oppenheim zum deutschen "Abu Djihad".
Schwanitz is a researcher on the Middle East policy who is conducting his
research at Princeton.
Der Nahosthistoriker geht derzeit seiner Forschung in Amerika nach.
Er erforscht die Geschichte der amerikanischen und deutschen Nah- und Mittelostbeziehungen.
He authored the "History of the German Orient Bank" and
edited "Germany & the Middle East".
Geschichte & Politik deutscher Reiche und Republiken gegenüber dem Nahen Orient;
ost- und westdeutsche Nahostbeziehungen und die Weltmächte;
die USA, der Nahe Orient und das Dritte Reich;
‘Orientgründerjahre’ in Mitteleuropa und Nordamerika;
German-Ottoman Economic Relations;
The U.S.A., Near East & Nazi Germany;
From Kennedy to Bush: Middle East Terrorism and the National Security Council
Ongoing Research Project
Publikationen als Autor (Auswahl)
Dissertation, Ägyptens Wirtschaftskurs Infitâh-Öffnungspolitik. Leipzig 1985
zu Deutschen in Nahost 1946–1965. Bände I+II, Princeton NJ 1995
Deutsche in Nahost
1946–1965. Frankfurt/M. 1998, 2 Bände (Mikrofiches)
Auf 17 internationalen und 23 nationalen Tagungen – alle veröffentlicht.
Beiträge in Sammelbänden und Artikel in Fachzeitschriften
Saddam and the Third Reich. DVD 60 minutes. The History Channel. The Baath party formed upon the principles and structures of the Nazi party. Iraq as an important battleground between the Axis and Allied powers in World War II. Nazi supporter Khairallah Talfah, Saddam's uncle, who wound up involved in Saddam's rise to power. This special examines the key individuals of the Iraqi-Nazi connection, the little-known battle for Iraq in WW II, and the strange link to Saddam Husain. Aired again on 02.01.2007 http://store.aetv.com/html/product/index.jhtml?id=74647 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d51poygEXYU&eurl http://www.history.com/shows.do?action=detail&showId=179958
Allianz - Wie radikale Moslems mit Hitler paktierten. 5.43 Minuten.
Bayrischer Rundfunk, ARD, Report aus München, 17.07.2006.
Heiliger Krieg, Jihad made in Germany. 1 VHS, 7 Minuten, ARD,
Panorama 12.05.2005 (auf dem nachfolgenden Link, Seite ganz oben
rechts, Klick auf Symbol "Video" zum Beitrag als
70 öffentliche Vorträge und Moderationen, über 300
Beiträge in Publikumsjournalen, in Tages- und
Wochenzeitungen und im Web, darunter in Süddeutsche
Zeitung, Das Parlament, Der Tagesspiegel, Berliner
Zeitung, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Washington
Journal, Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Märkische Allgemeine
Zeitung, Die Zeit, Junge Welt, Die Welt, Der
Überblick, Auslandsinformationen der
Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Stern, Qantara,
Internationale Politik, Frankfurter Rundschau, Lisan
Magazin, Global Politician, Kritiknetz, World Policy
Review, Weeklyblitz, Jerusalem Post.
* Images Google
* Deutsche Bibliothek
Readers will see this high-quality volume "Germany and the Middle East, 1871-1945," as a success precisely in that its plenitude of in-depth research automatically raises more questions in our minds than it answers. Can we therefore hope for more such scholarship, both about German imperialism and about the Middle East in the 1871–1945 period? In any case, we look forward to the forthcoming study of the United States, the two Germanys following World War II, and their interplay with the region.
„Deutschland und Mittelost im Kalten Krieg“ beweist den Aktualitätswert geschichtswissenschaftlicher Analysen: Unlängst hat US-Präsident George W. Bush, an die Adresse des Iran gerichtet, vor einem Dritten Weltkrieg gewarnt und dabei wohl auch auf die russischen Interessen in der Region angespielt... hier wird dokumentiert, dass der Diskurs um deutsche Beziehungen zu Mittelost sehr kontrovers geführt wird und deshalb spannend bleibt.
Trotz einiger Kritikpunkte handelt es
sich bei "Deutschland und der Mittlere Osten im Kalten Krieg" um eine
gelungene Auseinandersetzung mit einem in der Literatur wenig
beachteten, aber an Wichtigkeit gewinnenden Kapitel deutsch-deutscher
W.G. Schwanitz behauptet, »Moskau folgende Deutsche nahmen den
Staffelstab des Judenhasses auf« und »Ostberliner Polemik« gegen die
»Achse Bonner Imperialisten und israelischer Zionisten« habe an die
»alten Pakte zwischen Deutschen und Arabern aus dem Ersten und Zweiten
Weltkrieg« angeknüpft. Die obskure These des Herausgebers: »Ostberlin
untergrub Israels Existenz« und habe die Gegensätze im Nahen Osten
vertieft, weil es, so seine eigenartige Begründung, »den ganzheitlichen
Ansatz einer Konfliktregelung suchte« und »separate Teilschritte im
Eight scholars have all extensively researched their respective subject... The story of Arab-German relations has been frequently subject to biased and tendentious research and politically motivated media coverage. Against this background, this volume refutes the myth of an ideologically motivated German solidarity with the Arabs during the years of the German Empire, the Republic of Weimar and especially under Nazi rule. It is a valuable source for every reader who is interested in the history of German-Middle Eastern relations. Thoroughly researched, it presents its findings well, based on archival sources and documents... As a matter-of-factly account, this volume may hopefully contribute to a de-mystification of the history of Arab-German relations.
Renate Dieterich, Middle Eastern Studies,
Wolfgang G. Schwanitz (Hrsg.): Deutschland und der Mittlere Osten,
Herausgeber Wolfgang G. Schwanitz analysiert zusammenfassend die Politik des Kaiserreichs, der Weimarer Republik und des Dritten Reichs gegenüber Mittelost... Thomas L. Hughes verweist in seinem gediegenen Beitrag darauf, daß sein Großvater und Werner Otto von Hentigs Vater Vettern waren. Er hat seinen Helden noch persönlich gekannt und fördert einiges Neues zur legendären Afghanistan-Mission des deutschen Diplomaten zutage. Der spannende Artikel von Hans-Ulrich Seidt befasst sich mit den erstaunlichen und bald gescheiterten Versuchen des Chefs der Heeresleitung der Reichswehr, Hans von Seeckt (der übrigens 1918 noch Generalstabschef des türkischen Heeres geworden war), britische Positionen im Orient zu schwächen. Gerhard Höpps Artikel ist den in deutschen Konzentrationslagern inhaftierten - etwa 1500 - Muslimen gewidmet; er macht darauf aufmerksam, daß der wohl spektakulärste Fall von KZ-Inhaftierungen orientalischer Juden die blühende Gemeinde der tunesischen Insel Djerba betraf...
Editor Wolfgang G. Schwanitz summarizes the Middle East Policy of
the German Empire, the Republic of Weimar and the Third Reich...
Thomas L. Hughes mentions in his excellent contribution that his
grandpa and Werner Otto von Hentig's dad were cousins. He did know
still is hero personally. Therewith, he brings news to light
on the legendary mission to Afghanistan by the German diplomat
Hentig. Hans-Ulrich Seidt's thrilling article deals with the
astonishing, though soon failed attempts by the head of the German
Higher Military Command Hans von Seeckt - who was by the way the
head of the Turkish General Command still in 1918 - to
weaken British positions in the Middle East. Gerhard Hoepp's
chapter deals with about 1.500 Muslims in German concentration
camps. He points to the presumably most spectacular incarceration
in concentration camps that occurred with Middle Eastern Jews from
the Tunisian island Djerba...
An den gut lesbaren Beiträgen kommt niemand vorbei, der sich mit Deutschlands Beziehungen zu Nah- und Mittelost vom Kaiserreich bis Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges befassen will.
Der Regionalsprachen beherrschende Dr. Fritz Grobba erwies sich als diplomatischer Pfadfinder der deutschen Mittelostpolitik, der Diplomat Werner Otto von Hentig als sein Rivale. Den Spuren Ihrer Politik ging Wolfgang G. Schwanitz in einer Region nach, die man heute Mittelost nennt. Dem Frieden muss nun auch dort zum Durchbruch verholfen werden.
Julius Waldschmidt, Comparativ 16(2006)1
G. Schwanitz (ed.): Germany and the Middle East, 1871-1945. Princeton
Wolfgang G. Schwanitz (ed.): Germany and the Middle East 1871-1945.
Madrid, Frankfurt/M., 2004, Vervuert Verlag, 268 p., € 75.00, ISBN:
Den ersten Versuch der Ausnutzung des Islam gab es im Ersten Weltkrieg, indem Istanbuls Khalif im deutsch-osmanischen Bündnis den Jihad gegen Briten, Franzosen und Russen ausrief, wobei 1914 und 1915 deutsche Geheimmisionen nach Teheran und Kabul entsandt worden waren, um die dortigen Herrscher zum Jihad zu bewegen.
Das von Wolfgang G. Schwanitz edierte Buch Germany and the Middle East, 1871-1945 beschreibt auch die Bedeutung der Jihad-Mobilisierung für die deutsche Außenpolitik: So wurde im I. Weltkrieg die pan-islamische Wochenzeitung Al-Jihad von Berlin aus in alle Welt verschickt.
"...Excellent overview in the introduction to this essay
Der orienterfahrene Archäologe und Diplomat
Max von Oppenheim verdiente sich den Spitznamen "Abu Djihad",
Vater des Heiligen Krieges, indem er 1914 vorschlug, unter Vorschieben
des Sultans-Kalifen in Istanbul die muslimischen Untertanen der Feindmächte
zum Djihad aufzustacheln. Diese Idee hat dann tatsächlich Adolf
Hitler unter Einsatz von Rashid Ali al-Kailani, Amin al-Husaini und
Fritz Grobba wieder aufgegriffen, sobald klar wurde, dass sein Freund
Benito Mussolini über keine eigene Militärmacht mehr gebot.
W.G. Schwanitz hat sich mit seiner Forschung
zur Geschichte der Beziehungen Deutschland-Mittelost einen Namen
gemacht. Eine Unmenge von Archivalien erschliesst er dabei. In der
Geschichtsschreibung entsteht ein gutes Mosaik eben nur aus vielen
Steinchen. Die Beiträge sind so interessant und gehaltvoll, dass es
nichts schadet, auf ihre neuen Erkenntnisse mehrfach hinzuweisen.
In his introductory chapter Schwanitz sets
out a basic framework for understanding German Orientpolitik,
claiming that it was propelled by two central ideas: the importance of
preserving the balance of power in the region and the pursuit of a
policy of expansion via trade. The former strategy went under the
heading “no colonization”; the latter was dubbed “peaceful
penetration.” Seeing Germany’s national interests best served by
preserving the region’s political status quo, the policy was,
according to Schwanitz, “anti-imperial.” Orientpolitik was,
he claims, a “secondary policy,” as strategic considerations in
the Orient were secondary to Germany’s strategies for maintaining
power in Europe. This changed during times of war. During both world
wars, he claims, Orientpolitik was transformed into a
1) Beziehungen Deutschland - Nah-/Mittelost sowie Komparatistik Amerika-Nahost-Europa
Ägyptens historischer Weg zum Techologiestreit. Berlin 1989 (PDF)
Amerikas ungeschriebene Islampolitik (I)
Honecker und der Oktoberkrieg in Nahost 1973
Arabischer Sozialismus – Wurzeln, Aufstieg und Niedergang
Djihad Made in Germany
Die Berliner Jihadisierung des Islam (1914 und 1940)
Zur Geschichte der deutschen Orientpolitik. Bonn 2003 (PDF)
Zur Geschichte der
deutsch-aegyptischen Beziehungen 1945-1995
Ägypten-Israel: Die versandete Friedensinitiative 1953
Zum Hamas-Sieg bei den Wahlen im palästinensischen Gebiet 2006
Zweierlei Deutsche und Palästinenser: ein Resumée vom Kalten Krieg 2005
Olivenzweig, Waffe und Terror: Deutsche und Palästinenser 1945-2005
2. Geschichte Amerika, Deutschland
3. Wissenschaftsgeschichte: Arabistik, Zeitgeschichte, Politikwissenschaft
4. Portrait, Hommage, Kurzbiographie
1) Amerika-Nahost-Europa: Referenz-, Lehr- und Quellenbücher
2) Kulturen, Islam, Islamismus, Terror, 11/09/2001
Friedman, Isaiah: British Miscalculations, 1918-25. New Brunswick 2012 (PDF)
Abdel-Samad, Hamed: Mein Abschied vom Himmel. Köln 2009
Curtis, Michael: Orientalism and Islam. Cambridge 2009
Tibi, Bassam: Islam's Predicament with Modernity. New York 2009
Dalin, David et al.: Hitler's Mufti. New York
Laqueur, Walter: The Changing Face of Anti-Semitism. Oxford 2008
Murawiec, Laurent: The Mind of Jihad. Cambridge 2008
Nagel, Tilmann: Mohammed. München 2008.
Lebel, Jennie: Amin al-Husaini. Belgrad 2007
Lewis, Bernard: Political Words in Islam. Princeton 2008
Ibn Warraq: Defending the West. New York 2007
Tenet, George J.: At the Center of the Storm (CIA). New York 2007
Sen, Amartya: Die Idenitätsfalle. Warum es keinen Krieg der
Kulturen gibt. München 2007
Abdo, Geneive: Muslim Life in America after 9/11. New York 2006
Baker, James A., III, (Chair): Iraq Study Group Report. New York 2006
Luxenberg, Christoph: Die Syro-aramäische Lesart des Koran. Berlin 2007
Burgmer, Christoph: Streit um den Koran. Berlin 2006
Röhrich, Wilfried: Die Macht der Religionen. München 2006
Kassir, Samir: Das arabische Unglück. Berlin 2006
Krämer, Gudrun: Geschichte des Islam. München 2005
Buruma, Ian; Margalit, Avishai: Occidentalism. New York 2005
Khoury, Adel Theodor: Der Koran. Düsseldorf 2005
Ridwan: Der Kampf um den Islam. Beirut 2004 (PDF)
Clarke, Richard A.: Against All Enemies. New York 2004
Hartmann, Angelika (Hg.): Geschichte/Erinnerung Islam. Göttingen 2004
Lewis, Bernard: The Crisis of Islam. New York 2003
Laqueur, Walter: Krieg dem Westen. München 2003
Schulze, Reinhard: Geschichte der islamischen Welt. München 2002
Lewis, Bernard: Untergang des Morgenlandes. Bergisch Gladbach 2002
Robins, Robert S., Jerrold M. Post: Psychologie des Terrors. München 2002
Al-Hayy, Walid Abd al- (ed.): The Arabs In The World. Bairut 2001
August Bebel: Die Mohammedanisch-Arabische Kulturperiode. Berlin 1999
Al-Azmeh, Aziz: Die Islamisierung des Islam. Frankfurt a. M. 1996
As-Said, Rifat: Misr - Muslimun wa Aqbat (Egypt: Muslims and Copts).
Abd al-Karim, Khalil : Islam zwischen religiösem und zivilem Staat. Kairo 1995
Tilman: Geschichte der islamischen Theologie. München 1994
Schulze, Reinhard: Geschichte der islamischen Weltliga. Leiden 1990
Hans-Ulrich: Berlin, Kabul, Moskau. München 2002
Metzger, Chantal: L'empire colonial français dans la stratégie du Troisième Reich (1936-1945). Frankfurt 2002 http://www.duei.de/content/publikationen/archiv/orient/orient023.htmll
Werner: Hallstein-Doktrin. Diplomatischer Krieg BRD-DDR 1955-1973.
Walid Abd (ed.): Al-'Arab wa al-Alam (The Arabs and the World). Amman
Howard M.: Israel and Europe. New York 2000
Sven Olaf: Nahostpolitik in der Ära Adenauer 1949-1963. Düsseldorf
Buhite, Russell D. (ed.): Major Crises in American Foreign
Policy. Philadelphia 1997
Claus M.: The Auswärtiges Amt in the 1950's. Hamburg 1996
Kelek, Necla: Die verlorenen Söhne. Köln 2006
Ghadban, Ralph: Tariq Ramadan und die Islamisierung Europas. Berlin
Berlinski, Claire: Menace in Europe. New York 2006
Twardella, Johannes: Moderner Islam (Deutschland). Hildesheim 2004
Höpp, Gerhard: Fremdeinsätze 1914-1945. Berlin 2000
Weiss, Walter M.: Ägypten in historischen Fotos. Heidelberg 2004
Rockel, Irina: Reisebriefe aus Ägypten und Nubien. Berlin 2004
Schaefgen, Annette: Der Völkermord an Armeniern. Berlin 2006 (PDF)
Wali, Najem: Reise in das Herz des Feindes. München
Catherwood, Christopher: Churchill's Folly. New York 2005 (PDF)
Woodward, Bob: Der Angriff. Stuttgart 2004 (PDF)
Taheri, Ata: Deutsche Agenten bei iranischen Stämmen
1942-1944. Berlin 2008
Govrin, Yosef: Israel's Relations with East Europen States. London 2011 (PDF)
Morris, Benny: 1948. A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. New Haven 2008
Flores, Alexander: Der
Palästinakonflikt. Freiburg 2009
Laqueur, Walter: Dying for Jerusalem. Naperville 2007
Avnery, Uri: In den Feldern der Philister. München 2005
Kapeliuk, Amnon: Arafat. Heidelberg 2005 (PDF)
Golan, Zev: Free Jerusalem. New York 2003
Wasserstein, Bernard: Jerusalem. München 2002
Krämer, Gudrun: Geschichte Palästinas. München 2002
Baumgarten, Helga: Arafat. München 2002
Klein, Uta u.a.: Gewaltspirale ohne Ende? Schwalbach 2002
Martin, Leonore G.: New Frontiers in Middle East Security. New York 2001
Said, Edward W.: The End of Peace Process: Oslo and After. New York 2000
Sacher, Howard M.: Israel and Europe. New York 2000
Rubin, Barry: Transformation of Palestinian Politics. New York 1999
Asadi, Awat: Kürdistan-Irak İhtilafı. Berlin 2007 (PDF)
Sakmani, Manuel S.: Der Weg der Hizbullah. Berlin 2008
Harris, William: The New Face of Lebanon. Princeton 2006
Tueni, Ghassan, Khoury, Eli (eds.): The Beirut Spring. Beirut
Harris, William: The Levant. A Fractured Mosaic. Princeton 2003
6) Amerika, Deutschland: Geschichte und Politik
8) Wissenschaftsgeschichte: Arabistik, Zeitgeschichte, Politikwissenschaft
Middell, Matthias: Leipziger Kultur- und Universalgeschichte (1890-1990). Leipzig 2005
Bleek, Wilhelm: Klassiker der Politikwissenschaft.
München 2005 (PDF)
Immara, Muhammad: Islam in westlichen Augen (Orientalisten). Kairo 2005
Mangold, Sabine: Deutsche Orientalistik im 19. Jahrhundert. Stuttgart
Bollinger, Stefan u.a.: Einheit und Elitenwechsel im Osten. Berlin 2002
© trafo verlagsgruppe 2000-2016